FORD
CONNECTION
"Meno male che la popolazione non capisce
il nostro sistema bancario e monetario,
perché se lo capisse, credo che prima di domattina
scoppierebbe una rivoluzione."
"It is well that the people of the
nation do not understand our banking and monetary system,
for if they did, I believe there
would be a revolution before tomorrow morning." - Henry Ford
<< clicca qui per continuare ed entrare nel
sito
>>
La
Ford Motor Company fu attiva
nella ricostruzione della Germania prima della seconda guerra mondiale.
Nel 1938, ad esempio, aveva aperto un grande stabilimento di
assemblamento di autocarri a Berlino. Nel luglio di quell'anno, Henry
Ford ricevette l'onoreficienza della Gran Croce dell'Aquila Tedesca (Grosskreuz des Deutschen Adlerordens).
Ford fu il primo americano e il quarto in assoluto a ricevere
quella onoreficienza che era stata conferita poco prima a Benito
Mussolini. L'onoreficienza venne conferita a Ford "per l'attività pioneristica svolta
nel rendere le automobili accessibili alle masse". Il premio
venne accompagnato da un messaggio personale di congratulazioni da
parte di Adolf Hitler. [dal quotidiano Detroit News del 31 Luglio 1938]

Henry Ford, al centro nella foto,
viene premiato con la Gran Croce dell'Aquila Tedesca da diplomatici del
terzo Reich [Foto AP]
Negli anni
'20 e '30 del secolo scorso, molte grandi industrie (IBM, FORD,
THYSSEN,
IG Farben, etc. etc.) vedevano nelle politiche socio-economiche del
partito nazional-socialista dei lavoratori tedesco, la speranza di
potersi svincolare dal giogo usuraio dei grandi banchieri
internazionali che avevano portato al disastro della crisi economica
del 1929. La storia che segue (vedi link sopra) dimostra - se mai
ve ne fosse bisogno - a
cosa porta l'asservimento al sistema bancario subito ancor oggi da un
grande gruppo multinazionale: "La FORD ITALIA fatturava tutti gli
autoveicoli che uscivano dalla fabbrica considerandoli venduti, ma
questi autoveicoli non erano venduti perchè rimanevano di
proprietà della Ford fino a che i vari concessionari non li
avessero realmente pagati. Però dall'uscita dalla fabbrica
dell'autovettura al reale pagamento della stessa da parte del
concessionario potevano passare da alcuni mesi ad un anno di tempo.
Fino ad allora il mezzo rimaneva comunque di proprietà della
casa madre anche se era stato fatturato un anno prima. Facevano false
fatturazioni per gonfiare i bilanci e facevano iscrivere nella Centrale
Rischi i concessionari, nonostante fosse la stessa FORD a scontare le
fatture presso la FORD CREDIT EUROPE BANK. I concessionari si trovavano
perciò tagliati fuori dalle linee di credito e, pure dopo aver
cessato il rapporto con FORD, non potevano usarle per cominciare
eventuali altre attività. Una serie impressionante di reati
passati sotto silenzio..."
The
supranationals have now completely forsaken their leadership in the
once-upon-a-long-ago-time, prohumanity, industrial mass-production,
gained exclusively through individual inventive ingenuity, integrity,
and local community pride in producing only the best possible products,
as does Japan today. Such was the leadership of Henry Ford, Sr., who
was inspired to mass-produce nofrills, reliable motor vehicles for the
lowest possible prices primarily to help the farmer get to market. That
his activity involved large amounts of money was only incidental. It
was obvious to Ford that a prudent amount of earnings must be set aside
to buy ever-improving equipment. Also, he determined that a
safety-factor surplus be set aside against poor economic days. Ford's
enterprise was never to make money." At enormous expense he bought back
all the shares in his Ford Motor Company from his original backers,
whom he found were primarily interested in making money. Henry, Sr.,
fought J. P. Morgan for many years as to which it should be, "make
sense or make money," which are mutually exclusive. Ford's son and
grandson failed to understand old Henry's inspirational philosophy of
real-wealth producing and learned to play only the game of moneymaking
with the money they inherited.
- Buckminster Fuller, Grunch of Giants,
ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, New York, 1982
Les abus du
capitalisme - Thomas Edison, autodidacte comme Maurice Allais,
explique.
Pourquoi
le gouvernement devrait-il payer un intérêt à un
système bancaire privé
pour l'usage de sa propre monnaie, qu'il peut émettre
lui-même, sans
intérêt?
C'est exactement ce que les créditistes du journal Vers
Demain soutiennent, lorsqu'ils demandent au gouvernement
fédéral de
reprendre son pouvoir de créer l'argent du pays. L'inventeur
américain
Thomas Edison, qui était loin d'être un fou (quoique
n'ayant fréquenté
l'école que 3 mois, il comptait plus de 1000 brevets
d'inventions à son
actif), est aussi d'accord avec cette demande des créditistes.
Voici ce
qu'il disait dans une interview publiée dans le New York Times
en 1928,
alors qu'il était de retour d'une inspection à la
centrale électrique
en construction Muscle Shoals, sur la rivière Tennessee:
"Si la
monnaie est émise par la nation, 30 millions $ pour le
financement de
Muscle Shoals, ce sera la bonne chose à faire. Une fois cette
méthode
d'émettre l'argent pour les développements publics
essayée, le pays ne
retournera jamais à la méthode des obligations...
"Maintenant,
il y a (Henry) Ford qui propose de financer Muscle Shoals par une
émission de monnaie (au lieu d'obligations). Très bien,
supposons un
instant que le Congrès suit sa proposition. Personnellement, je
ne
pense pas que le Congrès ait assez d'imagination pour le faire,
mais
supposons qu'il l'ait. La somme requise est émise directement
par le
gouvernement, comme toute monnaie doit l'être.
"Lorsque les
travailleurs sont payés, ils reçoivent ces billets des
États-Unis. A
l'exception peut-être que ces billets porteraient la gravure d'un
barrage au lieu d'un train ou d'un bateau, comme certains billets de la
Réserve fédérale l'ont, ils seront la même
chose que n'importe quel
autre numéraire émis par le gouvernement,
c'est-à-dire, ils seront de
l'argent.
"Ils seront basés sur la richesse publique existant
déjà à Muscle Shoals; ils seront retirés de
la circulation par les
salaires et bénéfices de la centrale électrique.
C'est-à-dire le peuple
des États-Unis recevra tout ce qu'il a mis dans Muscle Shoals et
tout
ce qu'il pourra y mettre durant des siècles... le pouvoir sans
fin de
la rivière Tennessee... sans taxes et sans augmentation de la
dette
nationale.
Mais supposez que le Congrès n'y voit pas, qu'arrivera-t-il?
demanda-t-on à Edison.
"Alors,
le Congrès doit retourner à l'ancienne méthode. Il
doit autoriser une
émission d'obligations. C'est-à-dire, il doit aller chez
les prêteurs
d'argent et emprunter assez de notre propre monnaie nationale pour
achever ces travaux, et nous devons payer de l'intérêt aux
prêteurs
d'argent pour l'usage de notre propre argent.
"C'est-à-dire,
sous l'ancienne manière, chaque fois que nous voulons augmenter
la
richesse nationale, nous sommes forcés d'augmenter la dette
nationale.
"C'est
ce qu'Henry Ford veut empêcher. Il pense que c'est stupide, et je
le
pense aussi, que pour le prêt de 30 millions de son propre
argent, le
peuple des États-Unis soit obligé de payer 66 millions le
montant total
à payer avec les intérêts. Des gens qui n'ont pas
levé une pelle de
terre ni contribué pour une seule livre de matériel vont
ramasser plus
d'argent des États-Unis que le peuple qui a fourni les
matériaux et le
travail.
"C'est ce qui est terrible avec l'intérêt. Dans toutes
nos importantes émissions d'obligations, l'intérêt
à payer est toujours
plus gros que le capital. Tous nos grands travaux publics coûtent
plus
de deux fois le coût réel. Tout le problème est
là.
"Si notre
nation peut émettre une obligation d'une valeur d'un dollar,
elle peut
émettre un billet d'un dollar. L'élément qui fait
que l'obligation est
bonne est le même qui fait que le dollar est bon. La
différence entre
l'obligation et le dollar est que l'obligation permet aux
prêteurs
d'argent de ramasser 2 fois le montant de l'obligation plus un 20 pour
cent additionnel, alors que l'argent mis en circulation ne paye que
ceux qui ont directement contribué à la construction du
barrage de
quelque manière utile...
"Il est absurde de dire que notre pays
peut émettre 30 millions $ en obligations, et pas 30
millions $ en
monnaie. Les deux sont des promesses de payer, mais l'un engraisse les
usuriers, et l'autre aiderait le peuple. Si l'argent émis par le
gouvernement n'était pas bon, alors, les obligations ne seraient
pas
bonnes non plus. C'est une situation terrible lorsque le gouvernement,
pour augmenter la richesse nationale, doit s'endetter et se soumettre
à
payer des intérêts ruineux à des hommes qui
contrôlent la valeur
fictive de l'or."
A
CLOSER LOOK TO THE FORD FOUNDATION
By Dennis L. Cuddy, NewsWithViews.com, April-May 2008
...In past columns I’ve written about Rhodes, Rockefeller and Carnegie,
but this article will take a close look at the Ford Foundation, which
was founded in 1936. In that same year, Dyke Brown, who would become
the Foundation’s first vice-president, became a Rhodes Scholar (named
for Cecil Rhodes who formed a secret society ‘to take the government of
the whole world”). Brown would help to write “The Gaither Report,”
named for Ford Foundation president H. Rowan Gaither, who in 1953 told
Norman Dodd (staff director of the Congressional Special Committee to
Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations) that at the executive level of the
Foundation they were operating under directives from the White House
“the substance (of which) was to the effect that we should make every
effort to so alter life in the United States as to make possible a
comfortable merger with the Soviet Union.” Another Rhodes Scholar, Don
Price (who would author AMERICA’S UNWRITTEN CONSTITUTION), would be
Foundation vice-president from 1954-1958. Price would then be, from
1961-1971, a trustee of the Rand Corporation, which had H. Rowan
Gaither as its chairman from 1948 until 1961 when Gaither died.
During this same period, from 1951-1954, Robert Hutchins was associate
director of the Ford Foundation, as it gave 15 million dollars to set
up the leftist Fund for the Republic (Hutchins would be chief executive
of the Fund from 1954-1974 and its president from 1975-1977). Two years
before 1951, Hutchins, along with G. A. Borgese and Walter T. Paepcke,
founded the Aspen Institute for Humanist Studies (which has received
major funding from the Ford Foundation) in 1949. Then, in 1951, the
Ford Foundation created the leftist Fund for the Advancement of
Education, which assisted Mortimer Adler (who was taught philosophy at
Columbia University by John Dewey, and who had supported the concept of
a World Socialist Government). In June 1952, Adler announced plans to
found the leftist Institute for Philosophical Research, which has
received grants from the Ford Foundation. And in 1953, Hutchins (who as
president of the University of Chicago had brought Adler there)
authored CONFLICT IN EDUCATION IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY, in which he
stated, “I am in favor of world government.”
That Hutchins supported world government had already been apparent from
the University of Chicago Press’s 1948 publication of PRELIMINARY DRAFT
OF A WORLD CONSTITUTION while Hutchins was chancellor of the
University. It was produced by Hutchins, Mortimer Adler, Rexford
Tugwell, and others, and advocated regional federation on the way
toward the world federation of government. One commentator said the
draft “does not contain a single paragraph that would run counter to
socialism.” The “constitution’s” preamble contained the words “the
governments of the nations have decided to order their separate
sovereignties in one government of justice to which they surrender
their arms; and to establish, as they do establish, this constitution
as the covenant and fundamental law of the Federal Republic of the
World.” The “constitution” itself also provided the world government
with sweeping powers such as “the appropriation, under the right of
eminent domain, of such private or public property as may be necessary
for federal use.”
The same year as Ford Foundation’s president Gaither’s statement
(quoted above) was made to Norman Dodd (1953), the Foundation
established the Center for the Advanced Study in the Behavioral
Sciences (which would receive 6 million dollars from the Foundation in
1969) with Dr. Ralph Tyler as its first director (Tyler has said “the
real purpose of education is… to bring about significant changes in the
student’s pattern or behavior,” and he served as the Center’s director
until 1967, and was also chairman of the Carnegie Corporation’s
Committee on Assessing the Progress of Education, which would become
the National Assessment of Educational Progress, NAEP). Also in 1953,
John J. McCloy (Council on Foreign Relations Chairman 1953-1970) would
become chairman of the Ford Foundation until 1965, and in 1956 said,
“In my view we must be ready to consider the most far-reaching
proposals, including those for total disarmament, universal,
enforceable and complete with international inspection.”
In January of 1957, Dennis Healey (who would be Britain’s Labor
Minister of Defense 1964-1970) and others decided to set up a strategic
think-tank. Healey had met Shepherd Stone, head of the social and
political part of the Ford Foundation at a meeting of the Bilderberg
group in Fiuggi, Italy, and Stone was interested in the idea. By the
end of 1958, the think-tank, the Institute for Strategic Studies, had
begun its work with the Ford Foundation contributing $150,000 over
three years. By 1958, the Ford Foundation had also initiated grants in
its programs in the behavioral sciences and mental health totaling over
$21 million. The next year, the Foundation encouraged Mrs. J. Dickerman
Hollister to found the syncretistic Temple of Understanding (the
original idea for the temple was Mrs. Hollister’s, but the name for the
temple was suggested by Mrs. Ellsworth Bunker, wife of the American
ambassador to India). In 1960, the Temple was founded with partial
funding by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
The next year (1961), Terrell Bell (future U.S. Secretary of Education
who would support a proposal that would put Outcome-based Education in
all schools) received his doctorate as a Ford Foundation fellow. The
Ford Foundation would also support the Institute for Educational
Leadership founded in 1964. That same year, the Committee on Assessing
the Progress of Education, mentioned earlier, began its work and was
funded by the Ford Foundation along with the Carnegie Corporation (they
both financed ECAPE, Exploratory Committee on Assessing the Progress of
Education, beginning in 1966). Also, in 1964, SIECUS (Sex Information
and Education Council of the U.S.), which has supported the use of
pornography, began to receive major funding from the Ford Foundation
(which would also fund Catholics for a Free Choice and provide major
funding for Planned Parenthood).
In 1965, the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions (CSDI)
authored A CONSTITUTION FOR THE WORLD. The “constitution” was published
by the Fund for the Republic (set up by the Ford Foundation), which had
established the CSDI in 1959. And the CSDI also published a “modern”
constitution for the U.S. in 1970. McGeorge Bundy (member of Skull
& Bones, the CFR, and special assistant for National Security
Affairs to J.F.K and L.B.J., 1961-1966) became president of the Ford
Foundation in 1966 (remaining in that position until 1979, and becoming
Scholar-in-Residence at the Carnegie Corporation in 1992). The next
year (1967), Ford Foundation trustee Kermit Gordon (Rhodes Scholar,
C.F.R. member and Keynesian economist) would become president of the
Brookings Institution.
In 1968, Paul Ehrlich’s POPULATION BOMB, financed by the Ford
Foundation and advocating population control, was published (in fiscal
1982 alone, the Ford Foundation spent 10.2 million dollars on
population control). In this same year (1968), the Center for
Educational Research and Innovation was created by the OECD
(Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) with the help
of grants from the Ford Foundation and the Royal Dutch/Shell group of
companies. The Center would print ALTERNATIVE EDUCATIONAL FUTURES IN
THE UNITED STATES AND IN EUROPE (1972) in which New Age networker
Willis Harman (Stanford University Research Institute, Planetary
Citizens, and the Institute of Noetic Sciences) would assert: “It is
not enough to be intellectually aware that at this point in history
nationalism is a suicidal course…. Educational experiences must be
contemplated which are akin to psychotherapy… that result in a felt
realization of the inevitability of one inseparable world, and a felt
shift in the most basic values and premises on which one builds one’s
life. In a sense this means bringing something like ‘person-changing
technology’ into the educational system (e.g., meditation, hypnosis,
sensitivity training, psychodrama, yoga, etc.).”
Another “values-changing” leader supported by the Ford Foundation was
Abraham Maslow, father of Third Force Humanistic Psychology (and a
founder of the Association of Humanistic Psychology in 1962). In the
second edition of Maslow’s TOWARD A PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING (1968, with a
single left eye on the cover), he said: “I wish to acknowledge the
fellowship given me by the Ford Foundation’s Fund for the Advancement
of Education.” The Foundation’s fellowship was for a year to reflect
upon and write about humanistic education, some of the results of which
Maslow had published in “Some Educational Implications of the
Humanistic Psychologies” (HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW, Fall 1968). The
next year, PACE magazine (December 1969) published an interview with
Maslow (president of the American Psychological Association at the
time) in which he pronounced: “Young people are looking for the kind of
certainties that the religions and traditions used to give them. Now
the religions have cracked up, the traditions have cracked up. It is
not only God is Dead but Marx is Dead and Freud and Dead and Darwin is
Dead. They have no sources of values to go by. So they have to work
everything out for themselves. This new humanistic revolution has an
alternative source of values.”
The next year, on June 8, 1970, Maslow died, and about the same time,
NEW DIRECTIONS IN TEACHING (Volume 2, Number 2, 1970) printed his
“Humanistic Education Vs. Professional Education: Further Comments”
(reprinted in THE JOURNAL OF HUMANISTIC PSYCHOLOGY, Summer 1979). In
the article, he described a seminar which was “an especially important
learning experience for me because I had just completed a year-long
fellowship granted me by the Fund for the Advancement of Education of
the Ford Foundation,” and he further stated: “I should point out that
this challenging of authority is also having some effects that I
consider beneficial. My students today, when I compare them with those
of twenty-five years ago, are less nationalistic and more
internationalistic… much less accepting of outworn institutions, etc….
a more mature person giving up childish ways of thinking in absolutes….”
Late in 1968 (November 28), THE HOUSTON TRIBUNE published Alice
Widener’s article “Ford Foundation Politics,” quoting United Federation
of Teachers president Albert Shanker as saying that the Ford Foundation
“is investing heavily in every major organization that has influence
over the educational policies of the city (New York). That fact should
cause concern for all of us. Why are they doing it? They are doing it
to influence the educational policies of the city.” On the same day,
THE WANDERER published Edith Kermit Roosevelt’s nationally-syndicated
column “Government Within A Government,” in which she related that
Albert Shanker has charged that “a very substantial number” of members
of the New York board of education “are in such great debt to the Ford
Foundation that they cannot act independently.” Roosevelt also
indicated that Shanker said that the Foundation ought to be treated as
a “political lobby” and should lose its tax-exempt status and be
“required to fully disclose the extent” of its “activities in this
field.” Actually, according William H. McIlhany II, in THE TAX-EXEMPT
FOUNDATIONS (1980): “The blatant partisonship of the groups for which
Ford has provided the bulk of support since 1970 was so overwhelming
that for one month in that year the I.R.S. was embarrassed into
removing the Foundation’s tax-exempt status, but the bureaucratic
pressures for its restoration were either too powerful or tempting to
the service.”
In the March 31, 1969 edition of THE OREGONIAN is an article, “Students
Rate Revolution as Primary Task,” in which Michael Klonsky, executive
secretary of the radical Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), is
reported to have said, “Our primary task is to build a Marxist-Leninist
movement.” The relevance of this statement is that according to the
February 25, 1971, “SDS Infiltrator Talks,” in THE VALLEY TIMES, David
Gumaer was a former undercover police intelligence agent who had
participated in SDS demonstrations and said he had “wondered where the
money was coming from for all this activity, and soon discovered it
came from radicals via the United Nations, the Rockefeller Foundation,
the Ford Foundation, United Auto Workers, as well as cigar boxes of
American money from the Cuban embassy.” What he asserted was basically
confirmed by James Kirk, who while a student at the University of
Chicago, had on behalf of the FBI become active in SDS, the Communist
Party and other groups, and in 1970 testified before the House and
Senate Internal Security Committees as follows: “Young people… have no
idea that they are playing into the hands of the Establishment they
claim to hate. The radicals think they’re fighting the forces of the
super-rich, like Rockefeller and Ford, and don’t realize it is
precisely such forces that are behind their own revolution, financing
it, and using it for their own purposes.”
The power elite one-worlders believe that more, not less, government is
the solution to the world’s problems, and in 1969 the Ford Foundation
published a “think piece” titled PLANNING AND PARTICIPATION, in which
Ford’s National Affairs Division director Mitchell Sviridoff told the
American Institute of Planners: “The times do not call for shrinkage of
the responsibilities or powers of government…. The world is too complex
for an abatement of government powers. If anything, the role of
government must be strengthened.” Sviridoff continued in the
Foundation’s THE FORD FOUNDATION AND NATIONAL AFFAIRS (1971): “Our
third main goal strengthening the capacity of government…. The
fact is that the Ford Foundation and many others collaborate closely
with government, especially in Washington. Very often federal agencies
look to foundations to break new ground before the government is
willing to embark on a collaborative effort.” Efforts like these
facilitated the public-private partnerships we see today as part of the
power elite’s plan.
During this same period, the Ford Foundation received Bulgarian
scientist Dr. Georgi Lozanov to explain his “suggestology” method,
which draws from various specialties such as Raja Yoga, music,
sleep-learning, physiology, hypnosis, autogenics, parapsychology and
drama. It is essentially “applied” altered states of consciousness for
various purposes. According to Sheila Ostrander and Lynn Schroeder in
SUPERLEARNING (1979), the two authors had met Lozanov in the Institute
of Suggestology and Parapsychology in Bulgaria in 1968, and they wrote:
“We had scarcely gotten back to America, when suddenly in 1969, though
few Bulgarians were permitted to travel to the West, Dr. Lozanov
arrived in New York…. Something was certainly working for him. On this
and subsequent visits he made to America, we reviewed numerous films on
suggestopedia and suggestology, read his thesis and many of his other
publications, and saw the presentations for UNESCO and the Ford
Foundation.”
Internationally, from 1969 to 1977, the Ford Foundation provided a
grant for the publication of PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE SECRETARIES-GENERAL
OF THE UNITED NATIONS, including those of U Thant talking about “the
myth of the absolute sovereign state” and “world citizens as they work
steadfastly to usher in the new world order.” Earlier it was mentioned
that an official of the Ford Foundation had attended a Bilderberg Group
meeting, but even more than that, the Ford Foundation (and the
Rockefeller Foundation) paid all the expenses for the Bilderberg
meeting at Woodstock, Vermont in 1971. The next year, on July 23-24,
1972, Ford Foundation president McGeorge Bundy attended a 17-person
planning group meeting at David Rockefeller’s estate for the
establishment of the Trilateral Commission. And in January-February
1973, a formal funding proposal was submitted to the Ford Foundation by
Trilateral Commission representatives “to support a major share of the
intellectual and research aspect of the Commission’s work and some of
the administrative ‘selling’ aspects.” The result was that between June
30, 1974, and June 30, 1976, the Ford Foundation gave the Trilateral
Commission $500,000.
There was a growing concern during the next decades (1980s) that
American students’ basic skills were lacking and that this would impact
negatively upon the future workforce. Thomas Sticht had conducted major
research on reading for the Ford Foundation (and the U.S. Army), and
according to Lawrence Feinberg in THE WASHINGTON POST (August 17,
1987), Sticht along with David Harman said what may be crucial in the
U.S. is the dependability of the labor force and how well it can be
managed and trained, not its general education level although a
small cadre of highly educated creative people is essential to growth.
The same year (1987), the Ford Foundation (and the Rockefeller and
Exxon Foundations) financed “The United States Prepares for its Future:
Global Perspectives in Education, Report of the Study Commission on
Global Education,” printed by Global Perspectives in Education (GPE,
name later changed to the American Forum for Global Education). In the
Foreword to the Report, New Age networker Harlan Cleveland (Rhodes
Scholar, C.F.R. member and with the Aspen Institute for Humanistic
Studies) wrote: “A dozen years ago… teaching and learning ‘in global
perspective’ was still exotic doctrine, threatening the orthodoxies of
those who still thought of American citizenship as an amalgam of
American history, American geography, American lifestyles and American
ideas…. It now seems almost conventional to speak of American
citizenship in the same breath with international interdependence… and
the planetary environment.”